Many of us realize,
with some discomfort, that there are no safe havens from the effects of the
global socioeconomic crisis. Europe experiences today an influx of war refugees
which is reminiscent of earlier historical times. Most of the Syrian war
refugees enter Europe by crossing the sea to the Greek islands and mainland. Between
1922 and 1923, one and a half million Anatolian Greek refugees following
exactly the same path to migrate from Turkey to Greece, as a result of the last
war between the two countries; half a million Turks followed the reverse route
into Turkey.
The 1922/ 1923
Greek refugees did not receive a much warmer reception in Greece than
the Syrians do today. Being financially destroyed, they were sheltered initially
in tents. However, contemporary Greek historians agree that these people helped
the country develop socially and economically, and were at large responsible
for the passage of Greece to modernity. As many of them were highly educated urbanites, they brought new
mentalities to the newly founded Greek state. In another example, Europe saw an
outward current of immigration when more than 100 000 German Jews fled to North
America to escape the rise of Nazism. Most of them were affluent urbanites, and
despite being uprooted, they made
powerful contributions to the postwar cultural,
academic and economic development of Canada and the United States. This is not
to say that poorer immigrants are less useful. It is just a reminder that we
live in class-based societies and people of the upper class show an impressive
ability to regain their social status even after they’ve lost everything. In
fact, we live in class societies where the chances of inter-class mobility are
few.
Let’s return to the
Syrians. They cross into Europe illegally, with rubber boats, because the legal
way is effectively blocked by the European countries. But unlike the Greek and Jewish refugees of
the 20th century, the Syrians had enough time to sell off their
assets and pay for the expensive route to Europe. In our screens, we have
watched them landing ashore the Greek and Italian islands: they talk to the
media unreserved, in good English and hold smartphones. Reasonably, the 250000
Syrian refugees who made it into Europe are members of the upper class: They represent
only the 2% of the total population of displaced in Syria, the only ones who
had the financial and mental resources to cross into Europe.
The Syrian refugees
are not a burden for their receiving countries. We have seen that refugees
carry their social class with their baggage, together with their education and
attitudes. Even if they’ve spent the last of their savings in their way to
Europe, they have the social resources to rebuild their socioeconomic standing.
They represent a useful human capital for the aging European countries. If the
European governments were not bound by their racist and xenophobic constituencies,
they would embrace these highly educated, English speaking, resourceful people.
After all, arguably, if they made it in the Middle East, they can make it
everywhere.
Instead, the war refugees
are a problem for the countries that they’ve left behind, where radicalism will
fester hand in hand with poverty and mal-education. The crisis in Syria did not
happen by itself. Several regional and international powers were explicitly or
implicitly involved; these are the same nations that refuse to receive the Syrian
refugees today. The welcoming of Syrian, Iraqi and Afghan refugees of war is
not only about humanitarianism, it is a minimum act of war reparation.
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